Norka - Cattaneo

X. Norka

A tour of Norka in 1784

First, there was the parsonage (Pfarrhaus), which had already been inhabited by Cattaneo's predecessors. Like all homes for clergy in the Volga region, it was built at the Tsarina's expense and, like the other houses in the village, was constructed of fir (the only stone parsonage at the time was in the colony of Messer (also known by its Russian name of Ust-Solicha). It offered six fairly large rooms. A spacious kitchen with a servants' room and a storage room is connected to the house in the courtyard through a covered wooden walkway. "In addition, the necessary farm buildings, wooden and wagon sheds, spacious horse and cow stables, and other stables are on the farm."[1] Due to this spacious construction, the village's parsonage had a stately appearance. The colonist houses were significantly smaller. The numerous extended family members often had to stay in two rooms. It wasn't until 1824 that a new parsonage was necessary. The garden at the house, which would later gain some importance as a “model garden,” was very overgrown; after all, the parsonage had been deserted for a few years.

The Norka “Kronskirche" (Crown church), in which the youngest offspring were baptized and which, from this time forward, became the main place of worship under Cattaneo, and was named in the memory of its founder. It was built on the orders and expense of the Russian crown in the first years after colonization. She, too, was made of wood, like her sisters on the Volga. It was only years after Cattaneo's death that it was replaced by a new building. "It is a great problem with the churches in the colonies that not only can they not be heated, but they are also so light in construction that in some degrees of cold, especially in stormy, cold weather, it is not without danger the health service can be held in it."[2] The fact that Norka was, from the beginning, the most populous of all the hundred colonies was also taken into account in the building of the church. When the Moravian messenger Chr. Fr. Gregor on May 26, 1805

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attended the service in Norka, he wrote in his diary: “There were probably around 2,000 people in the church.”[3] There was at least one church bell that was pulled according to Western European custom and not struck (as is usual in Russia).

Norka was also planned on the drawing board. The area had previously been ownerless, only sporadically crossed by nomadic tribes. On his hikes, Cattaneo only came across "a few Russian farmers, real hermits deep in the densest forest, especially in the forest area of ​​Bujerak south of Norka."[4] When the first settlers arrived here, they had not assigned a name to their new home. The surname of the first mayor (Ortsvorsteher) was often used to describe the new colony. There was a “Balzer,” “Göbel,” “Grimm,” “Kolb,” "Kraft,” “Merkel,” and even “Müller.” Norka initially called herself "Weigand.” It was not until February 26, 1768 that the government ordered that all places have Russian names. So, "Weigand" disappeared from everyday usage and was replaced by the name of the nearby Norka River. However, many places retained their German name in the vernacular until this century, while the Russian one was only used on official occasions and in official dealings.[5] Therefore, the German names are in brackets below.

In the year it was founded in 1767, 957 colonists had arrived here, and at the same time, 380 arrived in the branch community of Splawnucha (Huck). When Cattaneo arrived, there were already about 2,000 souls (p. 119), and in 1836, there were 6,234 residents.[6] The last information comes from 1901, with 24,102 inhabitants in Norka alone.[7] The colonists, especially on the mountain side (Bergseite), enjoyed the rich blessing of children. A look at Cattaneo's church records revealed that in recent years, the number of people who died compared to the number of people born was about one to three (p. 135). The Tsarina gave "to the peasant[s] at the birth of every child of the male sex 3 desyatina (desjatinen); about 3.3 hectares of land that remains its own property when it lives" (p. 140f.). Is it any wonder that the population increased rapidly?

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Especially since every child was, of course, urgently needed as part of the workforce.

According to its planned layout, the village had “alleys that ran straight as an arrow,” and the residential and stable buildings on the right and left were built in the “German style” (p. 121f.), especially because of their wood, instead of a straw roof, it is recognizable as non- Russian. However, when the first colonists arrived, the promised houses to be provided at the crown's expense were not yet in place. Initially, they had to live in the summertime in leaf huts and in winter in houses dug out from the ground, which is called Similinka (actually Zemlyanka) here, and of which there are still enough in Russia (p. 121). In the meantime, the village had acquired a somewhat pretty appearance, which showed the hard work of the residents. The situation was similar with Splawnucha (Huck), which also belongs to the parish but is smaller, ten versts (11 km) southeast of Norka.

The memory of the early days (Erinnerung an die Anfangszeiten) was extremely vivid for many people; only 17 years had passed since that time (1767). The roaming gangs of robbers, who ordered their victims to throw themselves on their faces and then took all their wealth "with thanks to God" (p. 123), were soon mastered by the weapons they received from the Russian empire. However, people still traveled “preferably in groups, armed and never on foot, and also need all possible caution and care at home” (p. 125). More than half of the colonists still living during this time (p. 123) had experienced such attacks firsthand. The consequences of the uprising had been worse under a Cossack named Pugachev, who had declared in 1773 that he was Tsar Peter III, who was thought to have been dead for ten years, and therefore the rightful sovereign. He was able to gather a band of 15,000 privateers and marched with them through the countryside, murdering, robbing, pillaging, and devastating. Anyone who didn't give him the imaginary honor he demanded was summarily put down. Even in 1802, when the old Norka pastorate was being rebuilt, you could see traces of the live shots fired by the marauders on the front door.

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The poor former pastor of the colony... Herwig (Cattaneo's predecessor) had lost his small fortune.[8] The most frightening circumstance for the German colonists, even up to the present time, is that beyond the Volga, they are never quite safe from the invasion of wild peoples” (p. 128). Among the nomadic tribes that lived on horseback, the Kyrgyz stood out for their particular brutality. Numerous colonists were kidnapped, mistreated, and even cut into pieces. Eyewitnesses told Cattaneo about the mutilated corpse of Pastor Wernborner, who had wanted to protect his congregation from the onrushing hordes; he was found with his tongue cut out... But these attackers were to be feared, especially on the meadow side (Wiesenseite). The wide Volga prevented them from reaching the mountain side (Bergseite) and thus Norka.

The increasing calm of the last few years had a visible impact on prosperity. In agriculture, the cultivation of wheat and rye took up most of the space. “In common years, 6 to 12 are harvested, in the best years, when there is often rain, 12 to 20 are harvested for one.” However, there were always extremely dry summers, which is why “every farmer owned both dry and wet goods” (p. 137), especially near the Norka springs. These were lower than the village and, therefore, could not be piped up to the houses: “So the residents have to transport all their water into the village in large barrels on a wagon designed for this purpose, which you find in front of every house - this is an inconvenience. However, it is found far and wide in this country and even in important cities.[9] The three-field economy was common practice. The Russians laughed at the first colonists when they spread the manure on the fields in the manner familiar to them: "Whether they wanted to pollute or spoil the land?" (p. 139). The soil was rested and “so rich in salts, which not only adequately replace the fertilizer, but in some places only make it too rich” (p. 140). It is inconceivable to us (the Germans) that manure was dumped into rivers or onto the steppe or burned as “dung wood (Mistholz).” The previously unused soil produced a rich harvest of potatoes, beets, and tobacco. Fruits and vegetables also thrived

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magnificently in the extensive hilly country. Watermelons weighed up to twenty pounds and were processed in many variations. Given the “indescribable number of cherry trees, which make up forests of whole hours long” (p. 142), this fruit could be harvested by the wagonload. Cotton production and processing (“Sarpinka") soon also became an important industry. 

Horses naturally took the most important place in livestock breeding. The calmer Russian horse was particularly useful for work; The Kalmyk and Tatar races, on the other hand, were tailor-made for long distances over land and water, where they “swim the straight line with their rider for hours, just like on land” (p. 139). They had to cover more than 100 km a day. Of course, a priest also had to be pretty sturdy. The farmer usually has 4 to 8 horses, some even as many, as well as about the same number of cows, which produce little milk but so fat that the third or at least the fourth part always turns into raw material. Some keep oxen instead of horses, which, to my utmost astonishment, trot and gallop almost like horses. Sheep are kept in large numbers everywhere because of the fur production that is so common in Russia” (p. 138).

The development of the colonies was closely monitored by the government authorities. On their behalf, the local mayor had to keep a record of “what each family had sown, and after the harvest and threshing, a record of the yield again” (p. 133). In addition, the state authorities regularly carried out “revisions,” which consisted of counting the population and surveying livestock, cultivated areas, etc.

Norka also had its schoolhouse. Even if we lack precise information about this, we can probably assume that the school conditions here were similar to those in other settlements.[10] The education system was solely the responsibility of the village residents. Here, “the Crown” did not help. Following the example of the German homeland, a church school (Kirchenschule) was set up under the local preacher's supervision. Due to the lack of

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trained specialists, someone who was either considered suitable or who offered his services most cheaply, was employed as a schoolmaster (Schulmeister). There was a school room, but it was hopelessly too small given the large number of children. The number of those who attended classes from October to Easter was in the larger communities, usually around and over 200, in some colonies even over 300 to 400 students of both sexes", whereby "all, and usually at the same time, were employed by a school keeper."[11] If you consider that hardly any school books were available, you can imagine the difficult school conditions - to say the least! The schoolmaster needed, above all, nerves and a loud, penetrating voice... Beyond that, as deputy and deacon (Diakon) of the priest, as Cattaneo aptly says (p. 112), he had to perform important services for the parish, as we will hear shortly.

Finally, let's take a look at the landscape and the climate. The western side (Bergseite) of the Volga is hilly, with a smaller mountain range towards the river. Wide bush and deep forest areas alternate with steppe, fields, and meadows. In general, the western bank of the Volga is a large garden; the flowing streams make irrigation possible almost everywhere, and so the picture is of a pleasant oasis in a wide steppe area.[12] The weather in the area is extreme, both in the heat of summer and in the cold of winter. The frost begins at the end of October, the first snow falls in November, and covers the country in its whiteness well into March. Snowstorms with temperatures as low as minus 30 degrees were feared. Anyone who was then traveling no longer had any way of finding their way. Some only froze to death not far from the nearest houses. That's why it was customary to ring the church bells to show those who might be lost the direction to the closest village. The clothing was appropriate for the cold: men were wrapped in Russian sheepskins (which, incidentally, covered the German costume), and the women were dressed in thick wool coats. The snow melting rapidly, with the rivers swelling enormously, the paths becoming hopelessly waterlogged, and it is almost impossible to move around. In no time at all, temperatures rise

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and there are green shoots from the ground - a sight that was quite familiar to Cattaneo from the St. Antönier mountain spring. The heat then becomes so intense that everything that is not watered becomes scorched and scorched. The earth forms cracks, the paths are rock hard, and the wind carries the dust, stirred up by wagons and vehicles, far away. It is only in late summer that the climate becomes more bearable again, and in autumn, everything is softened by rain again from mid-September.

But at the end of this first little foray, let us give the floor to Cattaneo himself when he describes the landscape of his new home in memory of his old home: "I refreshed myself in the forest with the songs of the nightingales, the blackbirds, and the other birds and had in vivid memory of my Swiss mountains and forest areas, amusement and delight. The buildings of the cutters (the word is probably borrowed from the common expression Chutor and describes a lonely country estate in the steppe area) with their herds of livestock remind me very pleasantly of the Swiss Alps,

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as do the wooden Steppe villages of the Swiss alpine villages. The flowers and herbs, which are very numerous and fragrant here, as well as the multitude of small mountains, valleys, and places, transport me to my fatherland in crazy thoughts. My mind is reminded of regions, stories, societies, and views from home, which entertain me pleasantly while sitting and lying down in the carriage (Tarantass) on such a merry journey. When I fall asleep gently during the journey, they communicate themselves to me in my dream, until after 
a while, the car gets a jolt in its fast running, wakes me up, and I see that I'm not home after all, but far from Switzerland. If you could move a hundred local mountains, one on top of the other, they would not be comparable to the individual Swiss mountains."[13]

The Reformed Parish of Norka

The religious affiliation of the residents was decisive for the composition of the original 102 colonies in the Wilhelminian era. The already mixed-up local society should at least be spared from conflicts in matters of faith, even though many came from the same home region, such as the Palatinate, Hesse, and Ysenburg.

The Volga region was divided into so-called parishes (with numerous branches): thirteen Lutheran, seven Roman Catholic, and three Reformed, namely Norka as the largest, then Ust-Solicha (Messer) and Lesnoi-Karamysch (Grimm). A Lutheran and a Reformed pastor worked in Katharinenstadt. When Cattaneo arrived, around 40,000 members of the Christian community lived in the 200 km long and 90 km wide colonization area around Saratow, which were cared for by fourteen pastors: "Seven Lutherans, three Reformed and four Catholics" (p. 120 ). So, not all pastoral positions were filled. The three Reformed pastors were all men from Graubünden (a canton in Switzerland): Janett, von Moos, and Cattaneo. Each of them had to serve the numerous and scattered branch communities, which involved a lot of travel on horseback, by carriage, or sleigh, regardless of wind and weather. Dangers and adventures were the order of the day. Among those who died on such official trips

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was the pastor of the parish of Vodjanoi-Bujerak (Stephan), who froze to death in a snowstorm in 1809. 

Cattaneo, with his robustness and love of nature, was the right man for such hardships: “Especially the love of being useful, for which we are all created,” makes many difficult things easy for him, he wrote. "Everyone is, it seems to me, happy in his position and office if, by putting aside many unnecessary leisure activities and with resolute contempt for criminal inaction, he makes use of the opportunity to usefully exert the powers given to him by God" (p. 119). Cattaneo nevertheless saw certain advantages for church life in the necessarily sporadic, albeit regular, visits to the branch congregations. He stated that the word of God is proclaimed and heard with more force, power, and effect when the opportunity to do so is so rare than when it is spoken daily by the crowd of mostly well-meaning preachers to those who have already heard enough or are without need. “It is, as it were, imposed upon respecting people” (p. 120).

Nevertheless, the settlements were not left unattended during the time of their pastor's absence. The schoolmaster was responsible for a wide range of work here. On behalf of the pastor, he had to lead the service on Sunday by reciting a designated section from a collection of sermons as instructed. The fact that there were numerous repetitions of the same sermon was not perceived as boring by the listeners, but rather - because of its memorability and familiarity - was even highly valued. Furthermore, when the priest was not on site, he was responsible for funerals and, if necessary, for baptisms (the candidates were later blessed by the priest). In addition to the Sunday morning service, he held the “Children’s Teaching” in the afternoon. He had to lead the singing in church services and also ring the morning, midday, and evening bells during the week. In the life of a church community, he had an important function as the pastor's right hand, from whom he received all instructions.

By the way, devotional, edifying, and sermon books were in everyone's luggage when they left their homeland. The writings were mostly written in the spirit of pietism,

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for example, Conrad Mel's "Die Lust der Heiligen an Jehova" (The Saints' Passion for Jehova) (1715-1783) or Brastberger's "Evangelische Zeugnisse der Wahrheit" (Evangelical Testimonies of Truth) (1758). Cattaneo found these books in many homes. The shortage of Bibles could only be remedied at the beginning of the 19th century. The hymn book used was the one brought from home, mostly (and probably also in Norka) the Marburg one because of the large Hessian proportion of the Volga population. In 1816, a separate one appeared in Astrakhan printed under the title: "Sammlung christlicher Lieder für die öffentliche und häusliche Andacht zum Gebrauch der protestantischen Colonien an der Wolga, zusammengetragen von Predigern derselben“ (Collection of Christian songs for public and domestic devotion for the use of the Protestant colonies on the Volga), compiled by their preachers.” It is unknown whether Cattaneo was also involved in publishing this book. The influence of the Herrnhuters, who loved to sing, was also considerable here; A large number of the songs came from their hymn book.

The relationships between the “Awakened” and Sarepta also have a long history here. The diaspora worker Johannes Scheuerl repeatedly came to Norka and Splavnucha (Huck) on his visits[14], most recently with Chr. Fr. Gregor on May 21, 1783, when Cattaneo was already on his way with his family. "The mayor (Vorsteher) of Norka asked me to give the Pentecost sermon due to the lack of their own pastor. After the sermon, the mayor came to thank me on behalf of the local congregations, as they have done everywhere I have preached at the time. The longing for a righteous preacher is great here, as they have not particularly consulted with those who have been here so far, and they really wish that something would soon come about in response to their vocation made by Fr. Janett," he noted in his diary.[15] In addition, the Brothers Stöckly and Willi were known as diaspora workers in the colonies. But of course, they mainly interacted with a small circle of 'Heilandsseelen' (saved souls).”

The members of the congregation must be imagined as entirely simple people who expected nothing more, but also nothing less, from their pastor than spiritual care, encouragement, and - where necessary - correction. After all, apart from the schoolmaster, he was the only one in the village who didn't earn his living through "backbreaking" labor in the fields.

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However, due to his state-supported vocation and the special dignity given to him in the instructions, he was considered an exceptionally respectable person. He had full authority in divorce or disputes. In addition, he repeatedly had to deal officially with the Tutel Chancellor Zudatov, which increased his reputation. So, in his office, he was, so to speak, a parastatal Tsar with some power. It seems understandable that the colonies, in their search for their own order and a stable social structure, needed such an authoritative institution. However, this could become a great burden for spiritual work and disrupt the pastoral relationship with the community, even creating a breaking point. Cattaneo apparently ruled here - after some initial conflicts - with a good and wise hand. His knowledge of medicine and horticulture, which soon became known and frequently consulted, was of great help to him as a “shepherd” of his flock, giving him access to the often rough, rural minds in order to gain their trust. 

Finally, the question is: How did a Volga priest support his family? 

The wages were made up of cash and benefits in kind.

a) 180 rubles, paid in three annual installments by the Tutel Chancellery, but collected again by them from the local households (later increased to initially 350 rubles, in 1820 to 600 rubles);

b) free house including firewood;

c) lands for livestock and horticulture; 

d) Hay for 5-6 head of livestock;

e) free transport to Splawnucha (Huck), including horse, cart, or sleigh. A coachman had to be provided (or if the pastor used his own cart, appropriate compensation);

f) later, a heaped pud (approx. 20 kg) of wheat and rye per household was added to be delivered with the hay in the autumn after the harvest[16];

g) for every baptism, 15 kopecks; for every confirmation candidate, 30 kopecks; for every wedding ceremony and every eulogy given by the priest himself, half a ruble.[17]

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To get an idea of ​​the purchasing power of the ruble at that time, let Cattaneo speak for himself: "1 Potofka Pud; unheaped approx. 16 kg distaff weighing 40 pounds is worth 20 Copeg [kopecks), 1 Potofka wheat 25 Copeg... Cows each 3 to 6 rubles, a young ox 4 to 8 rubles, an old ox 8 to 16; a common horse is in the price of the oxen, the nicest and best 16 to 30 rubles a piece; a sheep 50 copeg to 1 ruble, a goat the same; the poultry, chickens and geese, a piece of 3 to 5 Copeg” (p. 144). However, these prices fluctuated greatly due to the frequent crop failures in grain production, which had to be expected again and again as a result of the severe drought in summer. Understandably, it occasionally caused displeasure when the priest was still entitled to his quantity of wheat and rye despite poor grain production.

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Remarks

1. See this and the following [J.] G. [von] Flittner, "Die evangelischen Kolonie-Kirchspiele" (The Protestant Colony Parishes), especially p. 65f. 78ff. (Quote p. 85); H. Dalton, "Miscellaneen" esp. p. 70 ff.; G. Beratz, "Die deutschen Kolonien" (The German Colonies), p. 215ff.; G. Bauer, "Geschichte der deutschen Aussiedler" (History of the German Settlers), especially p. 144ff. The statements made here can be assumed to apply to this colony even if they are not directly related to Norka since the Volga settlements were designed in a planned and uniform manner. - Quotes from J. B. Cattaneo, "Eine Reise (A Journey)," are documented in the text itself.

2. [J.] G. [von] Flittner, p. 79.

3. reports and letters from various people 1779-1816, ABU, R 19 Gb 4.5 (C.2a).

4. H. Dalton, "Miscellaneen," S. 95.

5. See P. Sinner, "Orts und Flurnamen," p. 85.

6. [J.] G. [von] Flittner, p. 75.

7. H. Dalton, Ibid, p. 117.

8. Ibid, p. 77.

9. Diarium A. F. Parep 19.5-13.7.1812 via Norka, ABU, R 19 Gb 4.5 h below the 27.5.

10 Cf. H. Petri, "Kirche und Schule".

11. [J.] G. [von] Flittner, p. 80.

12 C. Hempel, The German Colonists, p. 429.

13 Quoted from H. Dalton, ibid., p. 89.

14 Cf. his diaries, ABU, R 19 Gb 2.

15 Ibid.A Tour of Norka in 1784A Tour of Norka in 1784 (29.4.-21.6.1784).

16 See [J.] G. [von] Flittner, p. 86.

17 Cf. H. Petri, "Kirche und Schule," p. 299. - His information about these casual taxes refers to the parish of Pod Stepnaja (Rosenheim), located northeast of Saratov, but can be assumed to be generally customary; see also [J.] G. [von] Flittner, Ibid.

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Source:

Finze-Michaelsen, Holger. "Von Graubünden an Die Wolga: Das Leben Des Bündner Pfarrer Johannes Baptista Cattaneo (1745-1831)." Chur: Verlag Bündner Monatsblatt, 1992. Print. Chapter X. Norka, pages 181-193. Translated from the original German text by Steven H. Schreiber (February 2024).