The First Year in Norka (1784-85)
The excerpt below from Holger Finze-Michaelsen's "Von Graubünden an die Wolga: Das Leben Des Bündner Pfarrer Johannes Baptista Cattaneo (1745-1831)" is a story about Rev. Johann Baptist Cattaneo's first year of service as pastor of the Norka parish and the controversy he encountered with the small group of Herrnhut Brüdern or Moravian Brethren residing there. Much of this story comes from Cattaneo's letters written at the time. The Brethren (Brothers) were also known as the Versammlung der Erweckten (Community of the Awakened). Most who settled in Norka were members of the Reformed (Calvinist) faith. Some members of the majority faith considered the small group of Awakened a dangerous religious sect. Rev. Cattaneo, sympathetic to the Moravians, was immediately caught between these two factions when he arrived in Norka in August 1784.
The Moravians established a colony at Sarepta on the lower Volga River in August 1765, two years before the founding of Norka in August 1767. Several of the earliest protestant religious clerics in the colonies were based in Sarepta, and they recruited other clergy from Western Europe to serve in Russia. The religious, family, and commercial ties between these two German colonies were significant.
The Brethren Movement continued over time, and they remained as religious outsiders. Suffering from religious persecution, many of these people were the first to emigrate from Russia in 1875. They established new communities wherever they settled in the Americas, including my hometown of Portland, Oregon.
Steve Schreiber, translator and editor
The Moravians established a colony at Sarepta on the lower Volga River in August 1765, two years before the founding of Norka in August 1767. Several of the earliest protestant religious clerics in the colonies were based in Sarepta, and they recruited other clergy from Western Europe to serve in Russia. The religious, family, and commercial ties between these two German colonies were significant.
The Brethren Movement continued over time, and they remained as religious outsiders. Suffering from religious persecution, many of these people were the first to emigrate from Russia in 1875. They established new communities wherever they settled in the Americas, including my hometown of Portland, Oregon.
Steve Schreiber, translator and editor
XI. Das erste Jahr in Norka (1784/85)
“The Herrnhuterstreit (Moravian Controversy)” - also on the Volga
The liveliness with which Rev. Cattaneo began his work and the joy with which he was received by the people of Norka was severely disrupted after just a few weeks. The numerous warm encounters with the “Brüdern" (Brothers) in his homeland had a lasting impact on Cattaneo. Now, he wanted to be active in this spirit - or what he considered to be it - at his new place of work, especially since there had already been meetings of the Versammlung der Erweckten (Community of the Awakened) for several years, which had been looked after and visited by the clergy from Sarepta (founded by the Moravian Brethren in 1765 - two years before Norka). Cattaneo noted in his diary: "In my first parish, right at the beginning of my tenure, I began to gather the otherwise small number of awakened people, whom I only took care of under the table at first and encouraged and supported their small gathering. And that's exactly how he unexpectedly disturbed a hornet's nest - with devastating consequences that he had probably never even experienced in the not exactly squeamish "Herrnhuterstreit" (the Moravian controversy) in his homeland. In the first winter, he started as a clumsy pastor who wanted to bang his head against a wall.
There had already been disputes over such meetings (of the Awakened) in many other places. Here and there, the heads of the colonies had even gone so far as to get the governor to ban them - even temporarily - from their villages. The reasons were almost the same everywhere. [1] The Awakened ones stood out among the others because of their reluctance to engage in fun activities such as dancing, large parties, drinking parties, etc. They visited each other's homes and had a special bond in their work and family life. Their participation in gatherings outside of Sunday services, usually in private homes, aroused the suspicion of those far away. Of course, not all were “typical Moravian people” with cheerful, relaxed, and polite attitudes. Some caused offense through their exuberance or even provoked the wrath of the so-called “unconverted” through their spiritual arrogance. No wonder that talk of the "sectarian spirit" arose and forces - sometimes diffuse - mobilized to put a stop to it. The social structure in the colonies was already characterized by various tensions. A religious spark could cause the powder keg of a village community to explode. During these years, Rev. Janett had to have a calming and mediating effect in numerous places, including with the authorities in Saratov. Because the parties in turmoil turned to the higher legal authority, a church dispute became a political issue. This also happened in Norka.
At first, individual voices arose that wanted to persuade Cattaneo to forbid the common man from holding meetings, fearing that errors in religious doctrine might arise from them. Cattaneo now wanted to calm people's minds by having the meetings in his house and under his leadership, but the critics weren't happy with that approach. Their excitement only increased when Cattaneo declared, probably a little too eagerly and with ill-advised words "publicly and very seriously from the pulpit" that "he would neither change nor abandon the Awakened." There may have been a few expressions here, as well as a few accusations about their church meetings that were at that time... who made these people angry so that a number joined together to destroy the pastor's meetings by force." [2] That was in September, just a month after Cattaneo took up his duties in Norka. Contrary to expectations, things remained quiet until the end of the year. Cattaneo's surgical knowledge, which soon got around, allowed him to successfully heal a bone fracture and "silence" the "fracture" in the community for a while. He noted: "One of the chiefs of this great plot broke his leg twice while hunting by falling with his fleeing hunting horse and became very much in need of me, as well as a few other young people from this company suffered dislocations at the same time as the one who fell from his horse and had to use me. So there was a silence... Meanwhile, the number of the Awakened grew daily."
It didn't take long for the controversy to grow, and it peaked at Christmas. On the second day of the holiday, Cattaneo preached in Splavnucha (Huck) and held a meeting there in the evening. As soon as it was over and the pastor was out of sight, things became worse in Norka. On the evening of December 27th, the windows of the house in question were broken, which was still celebrated as the third holiday. Cattaneo also held a meeting in his own house (over 100 awakened people from both villages are said to have taken part), "Now that it was over and the people went out, the courtyard was occupied by wicked people who beat those who came out the house mercilessly and badly damaged some of them... The rebel gang consisted of around 20 or more bad people, 12 of whom had their faces blackened. They broke one man's rib in two and almost broke another's arm." One of the victims, Johannes Dinges, managed to escape into his house. The thugs followed him. First, they demolished the windows and shutters and then forced their way into the house. In order to defend himself in this emergency, Dinges grabbed his shotgun and pulled the trigger; one of the intruders was hit in the thigh. The pastor, who had now been notified, appeared on the battlefield, and the attackers scattered in no time.
A few days later, on December 29th, a similar spectacle almost occurred in Splavnucha (Huck). Cattaneo arrived late in the evening and was immediately informed that those who wanted to attend the meeting were being watched in the streets. He saw for himself that a large number of those involved in the beatings were waiting in front of the house. Several managed to escape when those lying in wait saw the pastor appear so unexpectedly. If there is any country where the clergy are still feared and respected, it is in Russia. Even the authorities do their utmost to avoid insulting their Christian character and show them honor and respect, Cattaneo noted in his diary. He wrote as the guardian of peace and order the names of those still present, and they "were quiet as lambs" - at least that evening.
Immediately after the beginning of the year in 1785, however, the heads of both communities (Norka and Huck) turned to the governorship in Saratov, declaring the meetings of the Awakened to be sectarian and detrimental to the Reform religion, and asked the authorities "to abolish this nocturnal service." Cattaneo, for his part, appeared personally in Saratov, and his view of the matter found support from the authorities. The government proceedings officially informed Catteneo's parish “1. That he was not loyal to any sect but to the Evangelical Reformed religion; 2. That he also held the household service in praise of God, especially on Sunday evening, not only for some but for everyone who wanted to come, which was in accordance with the principles of the Evangelical Reformed Church, but was also very necessary among you, because so much iniquity has taken root among many of you, which he would endeavor to eradicate as much as possible by virtue of his office. That's why we can't and don't want to ban such gatherings. The colonists were given express orders to refrain from such insults and violence in the future, to locate the thugs and destroyers, and to punish them according to applicable law. [3] Unfortunately, the latter was carried out quite arbitrarily. The poor man (Johannes Dinges) was “publicly punished with a number of strokes of the cane” for shooting another man with his shotgun, “But they didn’t do anything to the rebel leaders.” [4] So, Cattaneo was made right by the state, and his opponents were wrong. But the opponents were understandably not satisfied with this decision. “The poor little bunch,” as Cattaneo called them, were even more threatened. However, the pastor continued to be treated “in the most flattering way,” and they tried to persuade him with “all sorts of vain promises, and with threats,” to distance himself from these Awakened people. Cattaneo said of the stalemate, "We don't give in to each other, I can't, and they won't; it may still be the case once it comes before the high authorities."
That's what happened shortly afterward. On February 10, 1785, the opposition leaders turned again to Saratov, now offering "arguments" rather than their wooden mallets, and asked for official “protection” from the “so-called Brotherhood meetings.” They complained "that our Pastor Cattaneo introduces a liturgy which is completely contrary to our Reformed religion, and that he makes use of the books of this society, which our forefathers and we, according to our religion, never knew anything about. As a result, there is a great disruption and disunity in the community because those who adhered to this sect despise the other colonists and separated themselves, etc. [5]. But even this petition did not achieve its goal, and the conflict continued to smolder.
If Cattaneo - as had been requested - moved the meetings to the public church in Norka, the whole thing would probably have calmed down soon. But he proved to be such a hothead, even if only in that first year, that even Janett had to have a serious word with him. Fortunately, his proposal to present the Brotherhood as a Reformed pastoral group in Saratov, which would probably have added more fuel to the fire, was not implemented. Janett wrote to Sarepta [6] that he had “always urged Cattaneo to be quiet... In my parish, people were always quiet, even though they were full of things, and kept their eyes on Norka. And I would only have publicly opposed the shop and traveled to Saratov with Pastor C. about these matters, as he and others wanted them to be, and told the past. If von Moos were to invite me to do so, it would have burst into flames in my colonies; At least, that's what my soul told me back then. "The church dispute in Norka had indeed caused major waves that also reached communities in the wider area. At the end of February, there was even talk of the “abolition of all three Reformed pastors as sectarians.” [7] Well, it didn't get that far.
But the angry parishioners tried another way to get one over on their discredited pastor: they withheld an outstanding contribution towards his travel expenses. When he arrived in Saratov, the governorship had determined that the 100 rubles mentioned in the letter of vocation were much too low, and the fees the mayor (Gemeindevorsteher) had agreed in writing to were to pay him a total of 357 rubles: 157 immediately and the remaining 200 on Michaelmas of the following year. They didn't want to give away this remaining amount, which was more than a whole year's salary. On March 6th, the communities were ordered by the colonial oversight office to comply with the agreement without further delay. The recalcitrants “were made to understand that Mr. Cattaneo had no self-interest at all to accept the invitation you had sent to him because he left a more advantageous parish in his fatherland than what you could offer, and he did this only the love for his brothers in faith who are now so far away from Germany, to nurture their souls... Shouldn't this give you something to think about and be grateful for but also move you to love your pastor? Should not your conduct towards him be such that he may carry out his office among you with joy and not with sighs and sorrow?" Those from Splavnucha (Huck) immediately gave in. Those from Norka, on the other hand, had to be warned again on July 20th and then reluctantly paid their debt. Incidentally, Cattaneo had found support in this matter from some well-meaning residents who distanced themselves from the few agitators. [8]
The pastor was understandably full of complaints during these months. The beginning in Russia was not exactly auspicious: “May the Savior give me help and advice, because the rebellious people have not overcome me with vast everyday deputations because of their ungodly intentions and desires, and will not overcome me forever. But I'm pretty tired - when will the sun shine again?" [9] At the beginning of August, when the annoying money issue was over and everyone was harvesting and had other things to worry about, things calmed down. A year and a half later, Cattaneo realized that he had made mistakes here and acted without the necessary level of prudence. To the Sareptan emissary Scheuerl, he said "that the revolution had served him to gain more knowledge of himself. In the beginning, he had rejoiced too much and been too glorious [= ambitious]; he thanked God that he had been given the opportunity to triumph over his worst enemies by doing good. [10]
The following autumn, everything finally became quiet, and the pastor tried to exercise restraint and refrain from insisting on official orders. “Every now and then, it happens that a few good friends unexpectedly come to me - each for their own sake. If we come together for the cause, and if it befits me to do that too, then we will sing a few verses or talk about the only thing that is necessary, and I believe that in this way, the Savior will open the door for us to the things we desire, that meetings gradually open up without attracting attention, which would be quite pleasant for me and my first wife. [11] Cattaneo also experienced another "Herrnhuterstreit" (Brotherhood controversy), this time on the Volga; the man from Graubünden had paid his dues: "Gloriena" was not to be achieved in the West or the East.
Worry About the Children
What happened in the Cattaneo family in the meantime? After learning about the miserable school conditions in Norka, the question of where and how the children should be taught became urgent. So on September 29, 1784, the father took up his pen and wrote the first of his numerous letters to Sarepta, asking whether some of his children could be accepted into the “community members and brethren” there. “We don’t find any violence towards our children,” and there is “too much distraction for them” in Norka. They are all briefly introduced, right down to the two-year-old daughter Anna, whom the pious father praises rather generously as “a particularly sweet child who talks a lot about her first Savior in simple terms." [12] The two eldest daughters, Ursula (born 1771) and Magdalena (born 1775), began the 400 km journey to Sarepta. Her father had granted her first admission. At the end of May 1785, they came to those who originally wanted to accompany them to the much-mentioned place, but in view of the conditions in the community, for which Sarepta must currently be an emotive word, he decided not to have one there and had her accommodation in the common houses and the corresponding leave of absence. From then on, the daughters stayed there, lived in the communal houses, and attended school. Afterward, they worked as seamstresses and knitters. Both died in 1792 without ever returning to Norka, the older one already as an “unmarried sister.” The second eldest son, Thomas (born 1777), followed in the summer of 1785. He also stayed there (in Sarepta) until the end of his life (1831), first becoming an assistant and then a merchant in the Sarepta business. Later, Cattaneo repeatedly asked whether another of his still-growing group of children could be placed in the care of the Moravian colony. But the options there were limited. So, every few years, the family took time off and visited their distant members.
The first extensive visit was to fellow countryman Hartmann von Moos in Katharinenstadt. Cattaneo, who was still completely unfamiliar with the local circumstances, had the audacity to drive alone to the city, which was over 100 km away, in January 1785, at the time of the heaviest snow. The Volga, which was too frozen, also had to be crossed. People were not only surprised but downright frightened when the unexpected guest appeared at their door. There was also a rumor that “several thousand savages had broken into the area of the Russian and German Christians,” the Kyrgyz hordes that had terrified the population a few years earlier. In this respect, the mutual “pleasure we had during my visit was a little disturbed.” The two people from Graubünden are said to have been lost in conversation all night long. Now, the letters received in Malans could finally be handed over. Frau von Moos had lost her terrible homesickness these days, as a piece of home had now come to them. Cattaneo accompanied the priest to his numerous preaching places: “In a very sad situation, I found the good Germans and my dear compatriots above the masses, frightened by the terrible experiences... I consoled the good people as best I could and stayed for several days there and was asked to preach in two to three colonies every day. The need brought them together in large numbers to hear the word of God. [13] Who was the third Graubünden pastor that Cattaneo met in the Volga region?
Fellow Companion Hartmann von Moos
Pastoral family of Graubünden. Exactly 150 years (1640 -1790), Hartmann von Moos was a traditional member of this family who served without interruption in the pastorate of their hometown of Malans in the Rhine Valley. Hartmann was born in the rectory in Trimmis on April 11, 1737, as the son of Leonhardt von Moos and Margaretha née Bernhard. Given his ancestors, the desire to study theology was practically given to him from the cradle. "After he had acquired the necessary preparatory sciences from private teachers in his fatherland, he went to Basel in 1753, where he concentrated particularly hard on the basic languages of the Holy." [14] He was accepted into the Graubünden Synod in 1759. He then served various communities for 14 years: 1762-1766 Safien-Platz and Talkirch, 1766-1767 Valzeina, 1767–1770 Mutten, 1770-1775 Masein, from 1775 Glarus (Davos region). In the beginning, he himself is said to have said that von Moos "lacked the one thing necessary for the leadership of the so important teaching office, namely the reconciling grace in his own heart, in order to be able to praise it from experience to others." Then, when a printed sermon by the Moravian Burckart fell into Georg Müller's hands, "he learned to see his deep ruin and at the same time was brought to a saving faith in him through the very reference to Jesus, the crucified one." In the synod, he was to be found on the Moravian side, whereby "this gentle and faithful servant" had won many a victory over those who opposed him. When the “Herrnhuterstreit” reached its climax in the mid-1770s, von Moos may have been involved as the pastor of Glarus. After only a year, he left the community in 1776 - voluntarily or involuntarily? - and moved to his hometown of Malans. He regularly took part in a monthly meeting in Malan, where he was “waiting for another parish.” However, this did not come into sight. On September 12, 1777, he gave three lectures on questions that, of course, can be understood primarily in the context of his situation at the time: 1. What is the most unmistakable sign of a divine calling to a parish? 2. Can a [theological] teacher offer his service to a vacant congregation with a clear conscience? 3. When is a pastor or preacher allowed to leave his congregation? [15]
“The Herrnhuterstreit (Moravian Controversy)” - also on the Volga
The liveliness with which Rev. Cattaneo began his work and the joy with which he was received by the people of Norka was severely disrupted after just a few weeks. The numerous warm encounters with the “Brüdern" (Brothers) in his homeland had a lasting impact on Cattaneo. Now, he wanted to be active in this spirit - or what he considered to be it - at his new place of work, especially since there had already been meetings of the Versammlung der Erweckten (Community of the Awakened) for several years, which had been looked after and visited by the clergy from Sarepta (founded by the Moravian Brethren in 1765 - two years before Norka). Cattaneo noted in his diary: "In my first parish, right at the beginning of my tenure, I began to gather the otherwise small number of awakened people, whom I only took care of under the table at first and encouraged and supported their small gathering. And that's exactly how he unexpectedly disturbed a hornet's nest - with devastating consequences that he had probably never even experienced in the not exactly squeamish "Herrnhuterstreit" (the Moravian controversy) in his homeland. In the first winter, he started as a clumsy pastor who wanted to bang his head against a wall.
There had already been disputes over such meetings (of the Awakened) in many other places. Here and there, the heads of the colonies had even gone so far as to get the governor to ban them - even temporarily - from their villages. The reasons were almost the same everywhere. [1] The Awakened ones stood out among the others because of their reluctance to engage in fun activities such as dancing, large parties, drinking parties, etc. They visited each other's homes and had a special bond in their work and family life. Their participation in gatherings outside of Sunday services, usually in private homes, aroused the suspicion of those far away. Of course, not all were “typical Moravian people” with cheerful, relaxed, and polite attitudes. Some caused offense through their exuberance or even provoked the wrath of the so-called “unconverted” through their spiritual arrogance. No wonder that talk of the "sectarian spirit" arose and forces - sometimes diffuse - mobilized to put a stop to it. The social structure in the colonies was already characterized by various tensions. A religious spark could cause the powder keg of a village community to explode. During these years, Rev. Janett had to have a calming and mediating effect in numerous places, including with the authorities in Saratov. Because the parties in turmoil turned to the higher legal authority, a church dispute became a political issue. This also happened in Norka.
At first, individual voices arose that wanted to persuade Cattaneo to forbid the common man from holding meetings, fearing that errors in religious doctrine might arise from them. Cattaneo now wanted to calm people's minds by having the meetings in his house and under his leadership, but the critics weren't happy with that approach. Their excitement only increased when Cattaneo declared, probably a little too eagerly and with ill-advised words "publicly and very seriously from the pulpit" that "he would neither change nor abandon the Awakened." There may have been a few expressions here, as well as a few accusations about their church meetings that were at that time... who made these people angry so that a number joined together to destroy the pastor's meetings by force." [2] That was in September, just a month after Cattaneo took up his duties in Norka. Contrary to expectations, things remained quiet until the end of the year. Cattaneo's surgical knowledge, which soon got around, allowed him to successfully heal a bone fracture and "silence" the "fracture" in the community for a while. He noted: "One of the chiefs of this great plot broke his leg twice while hunting by falling with his fleeing hunting horse and became very much in need of me, as well as a few other young people from this company suffered dislocations at the same time as the one who fell from his horse and had to use me. So there was a silence... Meanwhile, the number of the Awakened grew daily."
It didn't take long for the controversy to grow, and it peaked at Christmas. On the second day of the holiday, Cattaneo preached in Splavnucha (Huck) and held a meeting there in the evening. As soon as it was over and the pastor was out of sight, things became worse in Norka. On the evening of December 27th, the windows of the house in question were broken, which was still celebrated as the third holiday. Cattaneo also held a meeting in his own house (over 100 awakened people from both villages are said to have taken part), "Now that it was over and the people went out, the courtyard was occupied by wicked people who beat those who came out the house mercilessly and badly damaged some of them... The rebel gang consisted of around 20 or more bad people, 12 of whom had their faces blackened. They broke one man's rib in two and almost broke another's arm." One of the victims, Johannes Dinges, managed to escape into his house. The thugs followed him. First, they demolished the windows and shutters and then forced their way into the house. In order to defend himself in this emergency, Dinges grabbed his shotgun and pulled the trigger; one of the intruders was hit in the thigh. The pastor, who had now been notified, appeared on the battlefield, and the attackers scattered in no time.
A few days later, on December 29th, a similar spectacle almost occurred in Splavnucha (Huck). Cattaneo arrived late in the evening and was immediately informed that those who wanted to attend the meeting were being watched in the streets. He saw for himself that a large number of those involved in the beatings were waiting in front of the house. Several managed to escape when those lying in wait saw the pastor appear so unexpectedly. If there is any country where the clergy are still feared and respected, it is in Russia. Even the authorities do their utmost to avoid insulting their Christian character and show them honor and respect, Cattaneo noted in his diary. He wrote as the guardian of peace and order the names of those still present, and they "were quiet as lambs" - at least that evening.
Immediately after the beginning of the year in 1785, however, the heads of both communities (Norka and Huck) turned to the governorship in Saratov, declaring the meetings of the Awakened to be sectarian and detrimental to the Reform religion, and asked the authorities "to abolish this nocturnal service." Cattaneo, for his part, appeared personally in Saratov, and his view of the matter found support from the authorities. The government proceedings officially informed Catteneo's parish “1. That he was not loyal to any sect but to the Evangelical Reformed religion; 2. That he also held the household service in praise of God, especially on Sunday evening, not only for some but for everyone who wanted to come, which was in accordance with the principles of the Evangelical Reformed Church, but was also very necessary among you, because so much iniquity has taken root among many of you, which he would endeavor to eradicate as much as possible by virtue of his office. That's why we can't and don't want to ban such gatherings. The colonists were given express orders to refrain from such insults and violence in the future, to locate the thugs and destroyers, and to punish them according to applicable law. [3] Unfortunately, the latter was carried out quite arbitrarily. The poor man (Johannes Dinges) was “publicly punished with a number of strokes of the cane” for shooting another man with his shotgun, “But they didn’t do anything to the rebel leaders.” [4] So, Cattaneo was made right by the state, and his opponents were wrong. But the opponents were understandably not satisfied with this decision. “The poor little bunch,” as Cattaneo called them, were even more threatened. However, the pastor continued to be treated “in the most flattering way,” and they tried to persuade him with “all sorts of vain promises, and with threats,” to distance himself from these Awakened people. Cattaneo said of the stalemate, "We don't give in to each other, I can't, and they won't; it may still be the case once it comes before the high authorities."
That's what happened shortly afterward. On February 10, 1785, the opposition leaders turned again to Saratov, now offering "arguments" rather than their wooden mallets, and asked for official “protection” from the “so-called Brotherhood meetings.” They complained "that our Pastor Cattaneo introduces a liturgy which is completely contrary to our Reformed religion, and that he makes use of the books of this society, which our forefathers and we, according to our religion, never knew anything about. As a result, there is a great disruption and disunity in the community because those who adhered to this sect despise the other colonists and separated themselves, etc. [5]. But even this petition did not achieve its goal, and the conflict continued to smolder.
If Cattaneo - as had been requested - moved the meetings to the public church in Norka, the whole thing would probably have calmed down soon. But he proved to be such a hothead, even if only in that first year, that even Janett had to have a serious word with him. Fortunately, his proposal to present the Brotherhood as a Reformed pastoral group in Saratov, which would probably have added more fuel to the fire, was not implemented. Janett wrote to Sarepta [6] that he had “always urged Cattaneo to be quiet... In my parish, people were always quiet, even though they were full of things, and kept their eyes on Norka. And I would only have publicly opposed the shop and traveled to Saratov with Pastor C. about these matters, as he and others wanted them to be, and told the past. If von Moos were to invite me to do so, it would have burst into flames in my colonies; At least, that's what my soul told me back then. "The church dispute in Norka had indeed caused major waves that also reached communities in the wider area. At the end of February, there was even talk of the “abolition of all three Reformed pastors as sectarians.” [7] Well, it didn't get that far.
But the angry parishioners tried another way to get one over on their discredited pastor: they withheld an outstanding contribution towards his travel expenses. When he arrived in Saratov, the governorship had determined that the 100 rubles mentioned in the letter of vocation were much too low, and the fees the mayor (Gemeindevorsteher) had agreed in writing to were to pay him a total of 357 rubles: 157 immediately and the remaining 200 on Michaelmas of the following year. They didn't want to give away this remaining amount, which was more than a whole year's salary. On March 6th, the communities were ordered by the colonial oversight office to comply with the agreement without further delay. The recalcitrants “were made to understand that Mr. Cattaneo had no self-interest at all to accept the invitation you had sent to him because he left a more advantageous parish in his fatherland than what you could offer, and he did this only the love for his brothers in faith who are now so far away from Germany, to nurture their souls... Shouldn't this give you something to think about and be grateful for but also move you to love your pastor? Should not your conduct towards him be such that he may carry out his office among you with joy and not with sighs and sorrow?" Those from Splavnucha (Huck) immediately gave in. Those from Norka, on the other hand, had to be warned again on July 20th and then reluctantly paid their debt. Incidentally, Cattaneo had found support in this matter from some well-meaning residents who distanced themselves from the few agitators. [8]
The pastor was understandably full of complaints during these months. The beginning in Russia was not exactly auspicious: “May the Savior give me help and advice, because the rebellious people have not overcome me with vast everyday deputations because of their ungodly intentions and desires, and will not overcome me forever. But I'm pretty tired - when will the sun shine again?" [9] At the beginning of August, when the annoying money issue was over and everyone was harvesting and had other things to worry about, things calmed down. A year and a half later, Cattaneo realized that he had made mistakes here and acted without the necessary level of prudence. To the Sareptan emissary Scheuerl, he said "that the revolution had served him to gain more knowledge of himself. In the beginning, he had rejoiced too much and been too glorious [= ambitious]; he thanked God that he had been given the opportunity to triumph over his worst enemies by doing good. [10]
The following autumn, everything finally became quiet, and the pastor tried to exercise restraint and refrain from insisting on official orders. “Every now and then, it happens that a few good friends unexpectedly come to me - each for their own sake. If we come together for the cause, and if it befits me to do that too, then we will sing a few verses or talk about the only thing that is necessary, and I believe that in this way, the Savior will open the door for us to the things we desire, that meetings gradually open up without attracting attention, which would be quite pleasant for me and my first wife. [11] Cattaneo also experienced another "Herrnhuterstreit" (Brotherhood controversy), this time on the Volga; the man from Graubünden had paid his dues: "Gloriena" was not to be achieved in the West or the East.
Worry About the Children
What happened in the Cattaneo family in the meantime? After learning about the miserable school conditions in Norka, the question of where and how the children should be taught became urgent. So on September 29, 1784, the father took up his pen and wrote the first of his numerous letters to Sarepta, asking whether some of his children could be accepted into the “community members and brethren” there. “We don’t find any violence towards our children,” and there is “too much distraction for them” in Norka. They are all briefly introduced, right down to the two-year-old daughter Anna, whom the pious father praises rather generously as “a particularly sweet child who talks a lot about her first Savior in simple terms." [12] The two eldest daughters, Ursula (born 1771) and Magdalena (born 1775), began the 400 km journey to Sarepta. Her father had granted her first admission. At the end of May 1785, they came to those who originally wanted to accompany them to the much-mentioned place, but in view of the conditions in the community, for which Sarepta must currently be an emotive word, he decided not to have one there and had her accommodation in the common houses and the corresponding leave of absence. From then on, the daughters stayed there, lived in the communal houses, and attended school. Afterward, they worked as seamstresses and knitters. Both died in 1792 without ever returning to Norka, the older one already as an “unmarried sister.” The second eldest son, Thomas (born 1777), followed in the summer of 1785. He also stayed there (in Sarepta) until the end of his life (1831), first becoming an assistant and then a merchant in the Sarepta business. Later, Cattaneo repeatedly asked whether another of his still-growing group of children could be placed in the care of the Moravian colony. But the options there were limited. So, every few years, the family took time off and visited their distant members.
The first extensive visit was to fellow countryman Hartmann von Moos in Katharinenstadt. Cattaneo, who was still completely unfamiliar with the local circumstances, had the audacity to drive alone to the city, which was over 100 km away, in January 1785, at the time of the heaviest snow. The Volga, which was too frozen, also had to be crossed. People were not only surprised but downright frightened when the unexpected guest appeared at their door. There was also a rumor that “several thousand savages had broken into the area of the Russian and German Christians,” the Kyrgyz hordes that had terrified the population a few years earlier. In this respect, the mutual “pleasure we had during my visit was a little disturbed.” The two people from Graubünden are said to have been lost in conversation all night long. Now, the letters received in Malans could finally be handed over. Frau von Moos had lost her terrible homesickness these days, as a piece of home had now come to them. Cattaneo accompanied the priest to his numerous preaching places: “In a very sad situation, I found the good Germans and my dear compatriots above the masses, frightened by the terrible experiences... I consoled the good people as best I could and stayed for several days there and was asked to preach in two to three colonies every day. The need brought them together in large numbers to hear the word of God. [13] Who was the third Graubünden pastor that Cattaneo met in the Volga region?
Fellow Companion Hartmann von Moos
Pastoral family of Graubünden. Exactly 150 years (1640 -1790), Hartmann von Moos was a traditional member of this family who served without interruption in the pastorate of their hometown of Malans in the Rhine Valley. Hartmann was born in the rectory in Trimmis on April 11, 1737, as the son of Leonhardt von Moos and Margaretha née Bernhard. Given his ancestors, the desire to study theology was practically given to him from the cradle. "After he had acquired the necessary preparatory sciences from private teachers in his fatherland, he went to Basel in 1753, where he concentrated particularly hard on the basic languages of the Holy." [14] He was accepted into the Graubünden Synod in 1759. He then served various communities for 14 years: 1762-1766 Safien-Platz and Talkirch, 1766-1767 Valzeina, 1767–1770 Mutten, 1770-1775 Masein, from 1775 Glarus (Davos region). In the beginning, he himself is said to have said that von Moos "lacked the one thing necessary for the leadership of the so important teaching office, namely the reconciling grace in his own heart, in order to be able to praise it from experience to others." Then, when a printed sermon by the Moravian Burckart fell into Georg Müller's hands, "he learned to see his deep ruin and at the same time was brought to a saving faith in him through the very reference to Jesus, the crucified one." In the synod, he was to be found on the Moravian side, whereby "this gentle and faithful servant" had won many a victory over those who opposed him. When the “Herrnhuterstreit” reached its climax in the mid-1770s, von Moos may have been involved as the pastor of Glarus. After only a year, he left the community in 1776 - voluntarily or involuntarily? - and moved to his hometown of Malans. He regularly took part in a monthly meeting in Malan, where he was “waiting for another parish.” However, this did not come into sight. On September 12, 1777, he gave three lectures on questions that, of course, can be understood primarily in the context of his situation at the time: 1. What is the most unmistakable sign of a divine calling to a parish? 2. Can a [theological] teacher offer his service to a vacant congregation with a clear conscience? 3. When is a pastor or preacher allowed to leave his congregation? [15]
Silhouette of Hartmann von Moos (1737-1803) was a pastor in Nord-Katharinenstadt and for numerous other colonies with Reformed populations. Source: Finze-Michaelsen, Holger. "Von Graubünden an die Wolga: Das Leben Des Bündner Pfarrer Johannes Baptista Cattaneo (1745-1831)." Chur: Verlag Bündner Monatsblatt, 1992. Print. Chapter XI.
His hopeless situation changed in 1779 when he received “through the special providence of God a call to serve the Reformed parish in and around Katharinenstadt on the colonies on the Volga” and accepted without hesitation. He was the first of nine pastors who moved to the East through Janett's intervention. The three deans of the rätischen Synode (the Rhaetian Synod) gave him an extremely friendly letter of dismissal and recommendation. [16] With his wife Agnes and four children he set off in May 1779, following the Rhine valley to Amsterdam, from there by ship to St. Petersburg, finally arriving at his new place of work in the fall. Katharinenstadt was founded in 1768, and the parish was divided into two districts because of its size. Rev. von Moos was responsible for the Reformed northern part of the settlement and up to 40 (!) colonies around it. The parish position had been unoccupied for ten years. The town, located on the (eastern) “meadow side,” was repeatedly attacked by the Kyrgyz hordes who had murdered the pastor of the Lutheran southern district, L. B. Wernborner, five years earlier. Hartmann von Moos remained in the service of this extensive community for 24 years; “Through his gentle and unselfish nature, he soon won” their “love and respect.” In his administration, he made a significant contribution to the spirit of piety "in Katharinenstadt and among the many daughter settlements in the parish, and in places where the ground had already been broken, he cultivated it faithfully." [17]
His first wife died in 1785, and his eldest daughter, Margreth, died on the same day. “It was a source of great comfort and relief to him that the Brethren in Sarepta looked after him faithfully and generously” by first taking in his children for education and then arranging a new marriage with the widow Anna Margaretha Hüsly, née Illak, von Dorpat (now Tartu, Estonia). They married on March 2, 1786. This was - as strange as it may seem to us today - by no means an isolated case. Moos's successor, Johann Samuel Huber, also found a spouse through Sarepta following his request. [18] Some of the “Choir of unmarried sisters” moved to the pastor's home. Zinzendorf's view of the "fighter marriage" was at work here, according to which the spouses should view their community as an "interim matter" and give priority to their service as fighters for the Savior. [19]
Anna Hüsly fell ill in childbirth and lost her newborn. Sensing her own imminent death, she had a "great longing to return to Sarepta, and her dear husband decided to take her there, but they only got as far as Saratov, where she fell asleep in her husband's arms on July 25, 1787, and was buried there." The religious authorities in Sarepta, with whom he was in close contact throughout his life, once again stepped in to help. [20] On January 27th of the following year, von Moos was wed to another unmarried sister, Sophia Auguste Optiz from Anhalt (born 1755).
Only recently had a Reformed church been built in Katharinenstadt. Previously, the sermons had to be held in small parsonages. In 1802, von Moos made another visit to Sarepta, the “holiday resort of the Volga pastors,” located in the living room of the Volga farmers. He brought his daughter Renata there for her upbringing and saw his remaining children once again.
Soon after returning home, von Moos was overcome by severe weakness, accompanied by coughing spasms, and he became bedridden. The extremely good relationship with the brothers of other denominations, which was unusual for the time and yet typical of Moravian openness, now came to the fore. The local Lutheran pastor, Johann Heinrich Buck, was a good pastor to him on his deathbed and gave him “the blessing for his blessed journey home.” He even had the Lutheran consecrate the confirmation candidates in front of his bed, where von Moos himself “recommended not just these children, but all of his confessors to the faithful high priestly Heart of Jesus.” Hartmann von Moos died on May 27, 1803, at the age of 67.
When the coffin was led from the death house to the cemetery two days later, Lutheran, Reformed, and Catholic ministers were present and took turns giving speeches. “A large crowd” had gathered, Buck reported, and people were considering whether they should go to the larger Lutheran church for the sermon that followed. But because he had collected so many years for the building of a Reformed church and finally had the pleasure of seeing it built, I wanted to preach his funeral sermon in this church." Moos himself had chosen the scriptural reading for his funeral service: “This is certainly true and a precious word, that Christ Jesus came into the world to save sinners, among whom I am the chief” (1 Timothy 1, 15).
In contrast to Janett, Cattaneo had known the Katharinenstadt pastor, von Moos, from his time in Graubünden. At a minimum, they had met at the synod every year.
Cattaneo – A Priest with a Saber and Pistols
The fact that Janett had said in Cattaneo's letter of appointment to Norka that this position was “not one of the most difficult” and that one could even call it “comfortable compared to others” was, of course, a gross exaggeration. In Graubünden, a Walser parish like St. Antönien was already considered to be far-flung, but these distances were nothing compared to what had to be covered in Russia!
Over time, Norka, already the most populous colony, was joined by other small communities that could not afford their own pastor. In the very first winter, Cattaneo was commissioned by the governor to provide spiritual care for the Reformed colony of Pobochnaya with 63 families. It was located in a lonely area northwest of Saratov - and 120 km from Norka! For 20 years, Cattaneo served this community, traveling there at least four times a year to administer the sacrament and in between during emergencies. [21]
It wasn't just the distance that was an enormous burden. There were also all sorts of dangers lurking while traveling. Cattaneo himself tells an example from the summer of 1788: “On one of my trips to Pobochnaya, I was walking into the night and suddenly came across ten to twelve guys who didn't look very friendly - Russians - with saddled horses tied nearby. It had often been said to me that there were whole gangs of highwaymen in the forests there, to which the Moscow highway passes very close by. There was no doubt that these forest men were the same. It was already too late to flee from them because they had already noticed us. Approaching them was also risky. I decided on the latter, strapped on my saber, took a few loaded pistols with me, and boldly went to the fire with them, and my driver followed. Both parties were embarrassed. We at the sight of respectable people and they at the sight of us as inquisitors ambushing them. When asked, I had told them truthfully the reason for our coming here, but they still doubted it. I smoked my pipe of tobacco, etc., quietly in the back of my wagon and awaited the morning. As the dawn approached, our company suddenly made preparations to leave without having been challenged in any way. [22]
Until 1799, Cattaneo continued to look after Volskaya (Neu-Brabant, also Kukkus), 40 km away on the other side of the Volga, with 50 Reformed families, and nearby Privolnaya (Warenburg) with 20 Reformed families out of a total of 145.
There were also a few other families living on scattered farms and hamlets in the area and, of course, the respective representatives of his fellow ministers. So, Cattaneo spent many hours and days in a carriage and sleigh as part of his official duties! He and his wife quickly began to adjust to their new living conditions. He proved himself equal to the harshness of the country and its people. His strong physical constitution stood him in good stead. In all sorts of difficult situations, he was the man who could take action or use clever tactics - if necessary, as we heard - even with the help of a saber and pistol. The trust in him, which didn't really grow in the first year, increased noticeably over time. His extensive general knowledge in practical, agricultural, and medical matters proved to be extremely useful. The name “Cattaneo” soon became widely known and respected.
Notes
1. See also H. Hafa, "Sarepta," p. 137ff.
2. "The unrest that arose in the parish," ABU, R 19 Gb 14d 63. The non-documented extracts from some letters regarding the quotations of Pastor Cattany still come from Cattaneo's "Diarium" (ABU, R 12 Ab 4b (17 ).
3. "Order from the expedition of the Economic Directorate of the Saratov Governorship to the heads and communities of Norka and Splawnucha" from January 20, 1875, ABU, R 19 Gb 11, No. 14.
4. Extract...» (Anm. 2).
5. ABU, R 19 Gb 33 15.
6. Letter to D. H. Fick dated May 20, 1785, ABU, R 19 Gb 18a 112.
7. Cattaneo to J.J. Loretz, Sarepta, on February 26, 1785, ABU, R 19 Gb 14d (66).
8. Copies of the letters from the governorship to the boards of both colonies, ABU, R 19 Gb 33 15/16.
9. To J.J. Loretz (note 7).
10. Diarium Scheuerl (13.1.-3.3.1786), ABU, R 19 Gb 2 under the 12./13.2.
11. Letter to D. H. Fick, Sarepta, from October 6, 1785, ABU, R 19 Gb 14d (71).
12. Ibid., 64.
13. Quoted from H. Dalton, Miscellaneen, p. 105f.
14. Here (unless otherwise noted), I follow the presentation of his life (unknown author) in the “Gemein-Diarium Sarepta, Monat May 1803”, ABU, R 22 32 34. - According to F. Jecklin, Die Bündner Studenten, p. 358, von Moos also studied in Zurich in 1757.
15. Diarium Klawe (Sept. 1777 to Dec. 1778), ABU, R 19 C 19 53b.
16. ABU, R 19 Gb 10.11 (1 a+b) from May 3, 1779, written in Latin.
17. H. Dalton, a.a.O., S. 105.
18. See J. S. Huber,] Excerpt from a letter. P. 115f.. who wrote to the head of Sarepta in March 1808: ...let me have your daughter, who should be 20 or 22 years old, as my companion in life, even if I don't know her name.
19. See Zinzendorf and the Moravian Brothers, p. 296ff.
20. Cf. his correspondence with Sarepta (1779-1802), ABU, R 19 Gb 12.
21. Cf. H. Dalton, a.a.O., pp. 96f. - In 1804, the parish of Yagodnaya-Poljana was founded, and Pobochnaya was added to this parish. In the same year, Karl Heinrich Rambach took over the pastorate (see J. Schnurr, p 193).
22. J. B. Cattaneo, "Aus dem Leben," p. 24.
His first wife died in 1785, and his eldest daughter, Margreth, died on the same day. “It was a source of great comfort and relief to him that the Brethren in Sarepta looked after him faithfully and generously” by first taking in his children for education and then arranging a new marriage with the widow Anna Margaretha Hüsly, née Illak, von Dorpat (now Tartu, Estonia). They married on March 2, 1786. This was - as strange as it may seem to us today - by no means an isolated case. Moos's successor, Johann Samuel Huber, also found a spouse through Sarepta following his request. [18] Some of the “Choir of unmarried sisters” moved to the pastor's home. Zinzendorf's view of the "fighter marriage" was at work here, according to which the spouses should view their community as an "interim matter" and give priority to their service as fighters for the Savior. [19]
Anna Hüsly fell ill in childbirth and lost her newborn. Sensing her own imminent death, she had a "great longing to return to Sarepta, and her dear husband decided to take her there, but they only got as far as Saratov, where she fell asleep in her husband's arms on July 25, 1787, and was buried there." The religious authorities in Sarepta, with whom he was in close contact throughout his life, once again stepped in to help. [20] On January 27th of the following year, von Moos was wed to another unmarried sister, Sophia Auguste Optiz from Anhalt (born 1755).
Only recently had a Reformed church been built in Katharinenstadt. Previously, the sermons had to be held in small parsonages. In 1802, von Moos made another visit to Sarepta, the “holiday resort of the Volga pastors,” located in the living room of the Volga farmers. He brought his daughter Renata there for her upbringing and saw his remaining children once again.
Soon after returning home, von Moos was overcome by severe weakness, accompanied by coughing spasms, and he became bedridden. The extremely good relationship with the brothers of other denominations, which was unusual for the time and yet typical of Moravian openness, now came to the fore. The local Lutheran pastor, Johann Heinrich Buck, was a good pastor to him on his deathbed and gave him “the blessing for his blessed journey home.” He even had the Lutheran consecrate the confirmation candidates in front of his bed, where von Moos himself “recommended not just these children, but all of his confessors to the faithful high priestly Heart of Jesus.” Hartmann von Moos died on May 27, 1803, at the age of 67.
When the coffin was led from the death house to the cemetery two days later, Lutheran, Reformed, and Catholic ministers were present and took turns giving speeches. “A large crowd” had gathered, Buck reported, and people were considering whether they should go to the larger Lutheran church for the sermon that followed. But because he had collected so many years for the building of a Reformed church and finally had the pleasure of seeing it built, I wanted to preach his funeral sermon in this church." Moos himself had chosen the scriptural reading for his funeral service: “This is certainly true and a precious word, that Christ Jesus came into the world to save sinners, among whom I am the chief” (1 Timothy 1, 15).
In contrast to Janett, Cattaneo had known the Katharinenstadt pastor, von Moos, from his time in Graubünden. At a minimum, they had met at the synod every year.
Cattaneo – A Priest with a Saber and Pistols
The fact that Janett had said in Cattaneo's letter of appointment to Norka that this position was “not one of the most difficult” and that one could even call it “comfortable compared to others” was, of course, a gross exaggeration. In Graubünden, a Walser parish like St. Antönien was already considered to be far-flung, but these distances were nothing compared to what had to be covered in Russia!
Over time, Norka, already the most populous colony, was joined by other small communities that could not afford their own pastor. In the very first winter, Cattaneo was commissioned by the governor to provide spiritual care for the Reformed colony of Pobochnaya with 63 families. It was located in a lonely area northwest of Saratov - and 120 km from Norka! For 20 years, Cattaneo served this community, traveling there at least four times a year to administer the sacrament and in between during emergencies. [21]
It wasn't just the distance that was an enormous burden. There were also all sorts of dangers lurking while traveling. Cattaneo himself tells an example from the summer of 1788: “On one of my trips to Pobochnaya, I was walking into the night and suddenly came across ten to twelve guys who didn't look very friendly - Russians - with saddled horses tied nearby. It had often been said to me that there were whole gangs of highwaymen in the forests there, to which the Moscow highway passes very close by. There was no doubt that these forest men were the same. It was already too late to flee from them because they had already noticed us. Approaching them was also risky. I decided on the latter, strapped on my saber, took a few loaded pistols with me, and boldly went to the fire with them, and my driver followed. Both parties were embarrassed. We at the sight of respectable people and they at the sight of us as inquisitors ambushing them. When asked, I had told them truthfully the reason for our coming here, but they still doubted it. I smoked my pipe of tobacco, etc., quietly in the back of my wagon and awaited the morning. As the dawn approached, our company suddenly made preparations to leave without having been challenged in any way. [22]
Until 1799, Cattaneo continued to look after Volskaya (Neu-Brabant, also Kukkus), 40 km away on the other side of the Volga, with 50 Reformed families, and nearby Privolnaya (Warenburg) with 20 Reformed families out of a total of 145.
There were also a few other families living on scattered farms and hamlets in the area and, of course, the respective representatives of his fellow ministers. So, Cattaneo spent many hours and days in a carriage and sleigh as part of his official duties! He and his wife quickly began to adjust to their new living conditions. He proved himself equal to the harshness of the country and its people. His strong physical constitution stood him in good stead. In all sorts of difficult situations, he was the man who could take action or use clever tactics - if necessary, as we heard - even with the help of a saber and pistol. The trust in him, which didn't really grow in the first year, increased noticeably over time. His extensive general knowledge in practical, agricultural, and medical matters proved to be extremely useful. The name “Cattaneo” soon became widely known and respected.
Notes
1. See also H. Hafa, "Sarepta," p. 137ff.
2. "The unrest that arose in the parish," ABU, R 19 Gb 14d 63. The non-documented extracts from some letters regarding the quotations of Pastor Cattany still come from Cattaneo's "Diarium" (ABU, R 12 Ab 4b (17 ).
3. "Order from the expedition of the Economic Directorate of the Saratov Governorship to the heads and communities of Norka and Splawnucha" from January 20, 1875, ABU, R 19 Gb 11, No. 14.
4. Extract...» (Anm. 2).
5. ABU, R 19 Gb 33 15.
6. Letter to D. H. Fick dated May 20, 1785, ABU, R 19 Gb 18a 112.
7. Cattaneo to J.J. Loretz, Sarepta, on February 26, 1785, ABU, R 19 Gb 14d (66).
8. Copies of the letters from the governorship to the boards of both colonies, ABU, R 19 Gb 33 15/16.
9. To J.J. Loretz (note 7).
10. Diarium Scheuerl (13.1.-3.3.1786), ABU, R 19 Gb 2 under the 12./13.2.
11. Letter to D. H. Fick, Sarepta, from October 6, 1785, ABU, R 19 Gb 14d (71).
12. Ibid., 64.
13. Quoted from H. Dalton, Miscellaneen, p. 105f.
14. Here (unless otherwise noted), I follow the presentation of his life (unknown author) in the “Gemein-Diarium Sarepta, Monat May 1803”, ABU, R 22 32 34. - According to F. Jecklin, Die Bündner Studenten, p. 358, von Moos also studied in Zurich in 1757.
15. Diarium Klawe (Sept. 1777 to Dec. 1778), ABU, R 19 C 19 53b.
16. ABU, R 19 Gb 10.11 (1 a+b) from May 3, 1779, written in Latin.
17. H. Dalton, a.a.O., S. 105.
18. See J. S. Huber,] Excerpt from a letter. P. 115f.. who wrote to the head of Sarepta in March 1808: ...let me have your daughter, who should be 20 or 22 years old, as my companion in life, even if I don't know her name.
19. See Zinzendorf and the Moravian Brothers, p. 296ff.
20. Cf. his correspondence with Sarepta (1779-1802), ABU, R 19 Gb 12.
21. Cf. H. Dalton, a.a.O., pp. 96f. - In 1804, the parish of Yagodnaya-Poljana was founded, and Pobochnaya was added to this parish. In the same year, Karl Heinrich Rambach took over the pastorate (see J. Schnurr, p 193).
22. J. B. Cattaneo, "Aus dem Leben," p. 24.
Source
Finze-Michaelsen, Holger. "Von Graubünden an die Wolga: Das Leben Des Bündner Pfarrer Johannes Baptista Cattaneo (1745-1831)." Chur: Verlag Bündner Monatsblatt, 1992. Print. Chapter XI. Das erste Jahr in Norka (1784/85), pages 194-208. Translated from the original German text by Steven H. Schreiber (February 2024) and edited for clarity.
Last updated February 14, 2024